I am going to make a bold statement. I am going to suggest that the current ANC Women's League falls far short the legacy of the brave group of women who marched on Parliament on 9 August 1956 to protest against the 'pass book' laws.

In fact, I will go so far as to suggest that, in the current political climate, the organisation has proved itself to be nothing more than a comrade's wives' club. Strong allegations indeed, but based on the organisation's recent political choices, it is difficult to justify its existence.

And while some may argue that the debate belongs not in the public domain, but within the structures of the ANC, I beg to differ. Given the stranglehold which the ANC has over politics and decision-making in the country, any structure within the ANC has a profound affect on the shape of the country.

A positive influence

To suggest that the Women's League has not, in the past, influenced the country for the better would be absurd. Were it not for the Women's League and affiliated organisations, it is unlikely that the Constitution would be as progressive as it is. Furthermore, the Women's League has repeatedly pushed for more equitable gender representation in Parliament and has succeeded ensuring that 50 percent of the ANC's representatives in Parliament are women.

Now, while this is a big step in the right direction, it pertains almost exclusively to the ANC elite. What does the fact that a female ANC comrade now has as much chance of sitting in Parliament as her husband mean to the average South African woman?

The underlying assumption behind improving gender equality in Parliament is that the elected women will act in ways which improve the conditions for women living in South Africa. But what if this assumption is flawed? What if the women in Parliament, and the women in the ANC Women's League, do not act in the best interests of South African women?

Is the ANCWL redundant?

When the ANC was formed in 1912, it did not accept women as members. Politically inclined black women formed the Bantu Women's League in 1931. The league, which was largely concerned with passive resistance, was recognised as the female branch of the ANC.

Women were formally admitted to the ANC in 1943 and the ANC Women's League was formed in 1948. However, the political domain was still almost exclusively male and role of women was largely limited to catering and mobilising the masses.

During the struggle, the fight for gender equality took a backseat to the national struggle for racial equality. Like the men, women of the ANC threw all their efforts into the eradication of apartheid. Sexual violence was tolerated or silenced in the interests of providing a united front against the apartheid regime.

The Women's League existed not because gender equality was as important as racial equality, but because women were not seen as equal players in the male political sphere. The Women's League was simply a subsidiary body to the ANC (Men's League). The fact that the Women's League still exists (tellingly alongside the Youth League) suggests that the ANC proper is still an unequal playing-field.

Responsibility for empowerment

Furthermore, the fact that 'gender issues' fall under the jurisdiction of the Women's League implies that these are not concerns for the general ANC or the men who make up the electorate and leadership. In his speech at the opening of the 2008 ANCWL Conference, ANC president Jacob Zuma said the following:

"We accept also that women's emancipation is the responsibility of all comrades in the ANC, not just women. At the same time, we believe it is the responsibility of the Women's League to ensure that it organises women to enable it to influence the ANC direction with regards to the empowerment of women."

The contentious issue of who 'we' refers to aside, Zuma is making a valid point. The fact is that gender equality does not exist in the ANC (or in South African society) and expecting those responsible for gender inequality to change it is about as sensible as expecting the apartheid regime to renounce racism.

A problem, however, arises when those entrusted with the responsibility of fighting sexism are no more interested in the cause than the 'we' of Jacob Zuma's statement.

A betrayal of its aims

The Women's League's constitution contains the following aims.

  • To promote women's participation in every sector of public life and to strive for women's participation in every office.
  • To combat discrimination in public and in private life and institutions and to work actively towards the dismantling of the patriarchal system, the eliminating of laws, customs and structures which militate against equality and to oppose any strengthening of patriarchy.

Noble aims indeed, but hollow if not put into practice. The decision to back Jacob Zuma for president and Kgalema Motlanthe for deputy president at the 2007 ANC National Conference went completely contrary to the aims enshrined in the organisation's constitution.

Firstly, as a general principle, it suggests that within all the ANC structures there is no woman capable of filling the role. It suggests that the women who fought alongside the men of the ANC during the struggle are not fit to hold the highest office in the land. It suggests that within the Women's League there are no women more competent that Jacob Zuma or Thabo Mbeki (the other contender). Furthermore, it suggests that in order for women to be heard they need to put their support behind and speak through a powerful male figure.

For why else would the Women's League not put forward a female candidate for 'every office'?

More specifically, the fact that the league chose to endorse Jacob Zuma suggests that there is some confusion within the organisation on how to go about "dismantling the patriarchal system". Electing a man infamous for his patriarchal persuasions is not likely to be the most effective route.

Regardless of any other reasons why Zuma may or may not be a suitable candidate for the country's presidency, the Women's League should not have nominated him because of his blatantly patriarchal attitudes about polygamy, virginity testing and how women should dress.

Who will we turn to?

The fact that the new leadership of the Women's League, under Angie Motshekga, was instrumental in rallying the league behind Zuma does not bode well for gender equality in the organisation or in South Africa.

Who will we turn to when women are attacked because they wear mini-skirts? Who will challenge the perception of women as property? Who will march on Parliament to demand an end to rape and femicide? Who will put the struggle for an un-sexist society above all else?

Who will shout 'wathint' abafazi wathint' imbokodo uzokufa' (when you strike the women, you strike a rock, you will be crushed)?

Probably not the ANC Women's League.