"Yes, they brutalised my flesh. But they will never break my spirit. I will soldier on until Zimbabwe is free."

Morgan Tsvangirai is the darling of the world. This has very little to do with the man himself — his history, credentials, policies — and a whole lot to do with the fact that he is not Robert Mugabe.

But the 'Anyone But' trap is one which Africa has fallen into far too often.

Ugandans cheered when Idi Amin took power from Milton Obote in a military coup in 1971. Amin repaid their adoration by becoming one of Africa's most diabolical dictators. Mobutu Sese Seko pillaged Zaire (now the DR Congo) for 32 years after deposing Joseph Kasa-Vubu and following the assassination of Juvenal Habyariana, Jean Kambanda presided over the Rwandan genocide.

So, does this mean that Tsvangirai is Africa's next dictator-in-waiting? No, probably not. But on a continent dominated by Big Men and rigged elections, it doesn't hurt to take a step back and examine the man behind the opposition.

Political awakenings

The eldest of nine children, Tsvangirai was born in 1952 in the Gutu area in then-Southern Rhodesia. Unlike his rival, who is prodigiously educated, Tsvangirai left school early to help subsidise the family income.

It wasn't until 2001 that Tsvangirai furthered his education by graduating with a diploma in the Executive Leaders in Development Programme at the J.F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University.

Tsvangirai has come under criticism from Mugabe for his lack of revolutionary credentials. However, Mugabe has overlooked the obvious difference of their ages. Mugabe only became politically active in 1960 at the age of 36, having spent numerous years out of the country in Zambia and Ghana. In 1960, Tsvangirai was eight and, if granted a similar period of grace, need only have flexed his political muscles in 1988.

Tsvangirai — like most impoverished and scantily educated black Zimbabweans — joined the work force at an early age. In 1974, at the age of 22, he began working for the Trojan Nickel Mine in Mashonaland Central, rising from plant operator to general foreman during the 10 years that he worked there.

It was during this time that he married Susan Nyurandzo Mhundwa and began his family, which now includes six children — three boys and three girls.

Following independence in 1980, Tsvangirai joined Zanu-PF and was initially an ardent supporter of Robert Mugabe, although he claims that he questioned the leadership in 1984 over the Matabeleland massacre known as Operation Gukurahundi.

Rise of a trade unionist

Initially holding the position of a branch chairman of the Associated Mine Workers' Union, Tsvangirai's ascent to prominence in the trade union was rapid. By 1989 he had become the secretary general of the umbrella body, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU).

Over the next decade, Tsvangirai led the union away from its alliance with Zanu-PF and as his clout within the movement grew, his relationship with the ruling party deteriorated. With over 700 000 members, ZCTU was a formidable force and the most obvious threat to the government's stranglehold on power.

In December 1997 and early 1998, Tsvangirai led a series of strikes — that took the form of stay-aways — against tax increases. The strikes, which bought the country to a standstill, forced Mugabe to cancel two tax increases and abandon a proposed tax to fund war veterans.

The birth of an opposition party

Politicising his role further, Tsvangirai served as the chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) — a loose coalition of civic organisations (labour unions, student groups), church groups and human right organisations, campaigning for constitutional reform.

He stepped down from this role when he founded Zimbabwe's first opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). An unlikely combination of trade unionists, intellectuals and white farmers tired of Mugabe's oppression, the MDC stunned the ruling party when it succeeded in defeating the 2000 constitutional referendum, which would have legalised Mugabe's land grabs.

With the momentum firmly behind it, the MDC looked like Zimbabwe's answer to an increasingly oppressive dictator. However, Mugabe won the 2002 election despite international condemnation and widespread allegations of rigging.

In 2002, Tsvangirai was arrested and charged with treason. The MDC had unwittingly used a lobbying firm which had been paid $600 000 by Zimbabwe's Intelligence Service to discredit Morgan Tsvangirai. Although he was acquitted of the treason charge, which carries the death penalty, in 2004, the court battle had stalled the momentum of the MDC by occupying its time and keeping its leader under virtual house arrest.

The already weakened party split formally in 2005 over a disagreement over whether or not to contest elections for a new Senate. The party's NEC favoured voting, while Tsvangirai favoured a boycott. In a worrying display of dishonesty, Tsvangirai ignored the wishes of the party and blatantly lied to the media, telling them that the party had supported his boycott.

A divided party was no match for Mugabe's powerful Zanu-PF, and in 2005, Mugabe carried out a brutal campaign on the MDC's urban support base — Operation Murambatsvina — a slum 'clearance' blitz that destroyed the homes of an estimated 70 000 families.

Tsvangirai's inability to heal the breach — even when the 2008 election was at stake — demonstrates a concerning lack of leadership and a disturbing trend of intolerance.

A people's hero

Where Mugabe is reserved and fastidiously dressed, Tsvangirai is charismatic and accessible. A cowboy hat on his head and loudspeaker in his hand, Tsvangirai appeals to the people because he is one of the people. But more than that, he has come to symbolise courage.

Mugabe's assault on Tsvangirai has been merciless. To date, there have been at least three assassination attempts, including the infamous incident in 1997 when unknown thugs rushed into Tsvangirai's 10th storey office and tried to throw him out of the window. He has been subjected to numerous arrests, trumped-up charges and beatings.

In March 2007, Tsvangirai was arrested on his way to a prayer rally, and severely beaten by police. An international outcry secured his release, but he had to be hospitalised with a fractured skull and internal bleeding.

A cameraman who smuggled footage of his beatings out of the country was abducted from his home a week later and killed. His bodyguard, who was also beaten, died seven months later as a result of complications from his injuries.

Following the assault Tsvangirai said: "Far from killing my spirit, the scars they brutally inflicted on me have re-energised me. I seek no martyrdom. I only seek a new dispensation in my country in which citizens live freely in prosperity and not in fear of their rulers.

Presidential ambitions

While Tsvangirai is, without a doubt, courageous, courage is just one of the many qualities required of a leader. Unfortunately, Tsvangirai has also displayed characteristics which are unbecoming in a president.

His decision to ignore his party's wishes regarding the Senate vote exposed autocratic tendencies which may become more pronounced with exposure to power.

Furthermore, his failure to reconcile differences within the party — including allegations of factional violence — demonstrates that while he is willing to put his life on the line for his country, he might be less willing to concede power to another.

But perhaps most disturbing is his chronic indecision. Tsvangirai's constant vacillation between various stances — on boycotting the elections, on the MDC split, on power-sharing talks — suggests not only that the MDC leadership is floundering, but also that Tsvangirai lacks conviction. A nation must be able to trust its leader to do what he says he will do.

Morgan Tsvangirai has proved that he is a freedom fighter; he has yet to prove that he is fit to be a president.